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<p>I get those readings but note:<br>
</p>
<p>3. For a long time, Kim didn't speak.<br>
</p>
only has your reading 2.<br>
<br>
so although I'd want to try and give an underspecified semantics for
your sentence, one would have to do that in a way that recognised
this has a different semantics.<br>
<br>
for negation there's an extensive literature - I'd recommend Horn's
book.<br>
<br>
For some of these type of examples, I've played around with an
account that decomposes the event variable so that one might claim
that the negation was operating over different parts of a complex
event structure in standard MRS. But that only allows for 3 in a
very stipulative way, if it works at all. Negated events are
complicated.<br>
<br>
Incidentally, Ivan Sag (somewhere) had a discussion of examples
like:<br>
<br>
The Sheriff of Nottingham jailed Robin Hood for three years.<br>
<br>
which may be relevant - I honestly can't remember.<br>
<br>
Anyway - I was trying to answer a slightly different type of
question, which was what the semantics of unexpected_rel might be.
I was just trying to convey the modal flavour - not talking about
the different readings the English sentence might have. It may be
that with some sort of account that did the negation examples, one
could also get a non-scopal `unexpectedly' to give two structurally
different readings, but that's a somewhat different issue.<br>
<br>
All best,<br>
<br>
Ann<br>
<br>
<div class="moz-cite-prefix">On 17/05/17 02:08, Guy Emerson wrote:<br>
</div>
<blockquote
cite="mid:CADPj3xF5Z4crZyArK0hP12HgorLFBPWk93X4=ihJ9WE3aefpmg@mail.gmail.com"
type="cite">
<div dir="ltr">
<div>
<div>
<div>
<div>So, if I've understood correctly:<br>
<br>
- using a scopal modifier for negation only leaves one
variable for non-scopal modifiers<br>
</div>
- using a modal for negation would allow non-scopal
modifiers to take either the main verb's variable, or the
modal's variable<br>
<br>
</div>
But then, what about "Kim didn't speak for a long time",
which I think can have two readings:<br>
<br>
</div>
1. Kim spoke for only a short time<br>
</div>
<div>2. Kim was silent for a long time<br>
<br>
</div>
<div>It looks like the ERG just gets the first reading.<br>
</div>
<div>
<div>
<div>
<div>
<div><br>
<br>
</div>
</div>
</div>
</div>
</div>
<div class="gmail_extra"><br>
<div class="gmail_quote">2017-05-11 13:55 GMT-07:00 Ann
Copestake <span dir="ltr"><<a moz-do-not-send="true"
href="mailto:aac10@cl.cam.ac.uk" target="_blank">aac10@cl.cam.ac.uk</a>></span>:<br>
<blockquote class="gmail_quote" style="margin:0 0 0
.8ex;border-left:1px #ccc solid;padding-left:1ex">
<div bgcolor="#FFFFFF" text="#000000">
<p>I think <i>unexpectedly</i> is scopal in at least
some circumstances. Specifically I would say the
semantics of <i>unexpectedly</i> is modal (in a broad
sense) - e.g., I could treat it in terms of possible
worlds that I'm considering at some timepoint t - if
in only 1% of possible worlds does P happen, and P
actually happens by t' (where t' > t) then
unexpected(P). This is very crude and incomplete, but
all I'm trying to do here is convey the modal
intuition.<br>
</p>
<p> Under this interpretation:<br>
</p>
<p> unexpected(not(win(Kim))) <br>
</p>
<p>means that at time t I thought not(win(Kim)) had 1%
chance, but at t' not(win(Kim)) has come to pass</p>
<p>this isn't the same as:<br>
</p>
<p> not(unexpected(win(Kim)))<br>
</p>
which means it-is-not-the-case that [ at time t I
thought win(Kim) had 1% chance and at t' win(Kim) has
come to pass ] i.e., either I expected Kim to win all
along or Kim actually didn't win<span><br>
<br>
<blockquote type="cite">Also, in (3), unexpectedly
could be a sentence-initial discourse
<div>adverb (scopal?) or an adverb extracted from
lower in the clause...</div>
</blockquote>
<br>
</span> As I remember it, the discussion about possible
sentence situation meaning is a semantic one rather than
depending on whether there's extraction or not. <br>
<br>
All best,<br>
<br>
Ann
<div>
<div class="m_-310726251724269823h5"><br>
<br>
<div
class="m_-310726251724269823m_-1602240225619716942moz-cite-prefix">On
11/05/2017 21:13, Emily M. Bender wrote:<br>
</div>
<blockquote type="cite">
<div dir="ltr">Thanks, Ann, for the quick reply!
This connects to other things I've been
<div>curious about recently, including how we
decide if something like "unexpectedly"</div>
<div>is scopal or not. Also, in (3),
unexpectedly could be a sentence-initial
discourse</div>
<div>adverb (scopal?) or an adverb extracted
from lower in the clause...</div>
<div><br>
</div>
<div>Emily</div>
</div>
<div class="gmail_extra"><br>
<div class="gmail_quote">On Wed, May 10, 2017 at
2:11 AM, Ann Copestake <span dir="ltr"><<a
moz-do-not-send="true"
href="mailto:aac10@cl.cam.ac.uk"
target="_blank">aac10@cl.cam.ac.uk</a>></span>
wrote:<br>
<blockquote class="gmail_quote"
style="margin:0 0 0 .8ex;border-left:1px
#ccc solid;padding-left:1ex">
<div bgcolor="#FFFFFF" text="#000000">
<p>I think the idea is to represent the
contrast between:<br>
</p>
<p>1 We could unexpectedly close the
window.</p>
<p>either ability to close or actual
closure is unexpected<br>
</p>
<p>2 We did not unexpectedly close the
window.</p>
<p>only the closure (if it had happened)
would be unexpected.</p>
<p>I don't think this is actually the best
analysis. For instance, for me,<br>
</p>
<p>3 Unexpectedly we did not close the
window.</p>
has another reading, which we are not
capturing in MRS. Claudia Maiernborn
would (perhaps) treat this as a sentential
situation rather than an event
modification and it may be that analysis
is also available for 1 instead of the
modal modification analysis.<br>
<br>
I'm afraid I don't have time to discuss
this properly at the moment, though. I
feel such a discussion has taken place,
but don't remember the venue.<br>
<br>
All best,<br>
<br>
Ann
<div>
<div
class="m_-310726251724269823m_-1602240225619716942h5"><br>
<br>
<br>
<div
class="m_-310726251724269823m_-1602240225619716942m_6920975839983985265moz-cite-prefix">On
10/05/2017 01:13, Emily M. Bender
wrote:<br>
</div>
<blockquote type="cite">
<div dir="ltr">Dear all,
<div><br>
</div>
<div>I'm curious about the
different in analysis between
neg_rel and (other) scopal
adverbial </div>
<div>modifiers on the one hand and
modals on the other in the
treatment of the INDEX:</div>
<div><br>
</div>
<div>In (1) and (2), the INDEX of
the whole MRS points to the ARG0
of _sleep_v_rel:</div>
<div><br>
</div>
<div>(1) Kim doesn't sleep.</div>
<div>(2) Kim probably sleeps.</div>
<div><br>
</div>
<div>... where in (3) and (4) it
points to the ARG0 of _can_v_rel
and _would_v_rel respectively:</div>
<div><br>
</div>
<div>(3) Kim can sleep.</div>
<div>(4) Kim would sleep.</div>
<div><br>
</div>
<div>I'm wondering what difference
we intend to model here. (This
question comes up now</div>
<div>because we're looking at
negation in my grammar
engineering class, and the
out-of-the-box</div>
<div>analysis for languages which
express negation with an
auxiliary has neg_rel falling</div>
<div>in the latter class.)</div>
<div><br>
</div>
<div>Thanks,</div>
<div>Emily</div>
<div><br clear="all">
<div><br>
</div>
-- <br>
<div
class="m_-310726251724269823m_-1602240225619716942m_6920975839983985265gmail_signature"
data-smartmail="gmail_signature">
<div dir="ltr">
<div>
<div dir="ltr">
<div>
<div dir="ltr">Emily
M. Bender<br>
Professor, <span
style="font-size:12.8px">Department
of Linguistics</span></div>
<div dir="ltr">Check
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<div><br>
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-- <br>
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data-smartmail="gmail_signature">
<div dir="ltr">
<div>
<div dir="ltr">
<div>
<div dir="ltr">Emily M. Bender<br>
Professor, <span
style="font-size:12.8px">Department
of Linguistics</span></div>
<div dir="ltr">Check out CLMS on
facebook! <a moz-do-not-send="true"
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